As Israel’s elections draw closer, the Israeli government has once again reaffirmed its illiberal orientation and embarked on a troubling escalation, with a series of controversial decisions affecting civil liberties and the rule of law.
Two journalists, one German and the other Italian, who had come to cover the election, were denied entry visas to Israel, for no apparent reason. And no explanation was provided for the suspension of the aliyah process for two young left-wing Jews, which was forcefully condemned by Labor Party lawmaker Gilad Kariv.
This arbitrary decision, which runs deeply counter to the very idea of Zionism, follows the expulsion of two Jewish women from Israel for their own activism in support of Palestinians, along with a 10-year ban on entering the country.
In another display of demagoguery reflecting his authoritarian drift, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has pledged to identify the soldiers who testified anonymously in the film NAZA and bring them to justice, after reiterating his call to strip the film’s directors of their citizenship.
This threat against the film’s witnesses retrospectively vindicates their decision to remain anonymous, a practice criticized by those who have attacked the film. The documentary is certainly not beyond reproach, particularly because of its analogy with the Holocaust. Yet its critics have failed to take sufficient account of the authoritarian drift of Israel’s current government.
As with the two young Jews whose aliyah process has been suspended and the journalists denied entry visas, the real objective of these maneuvers is not necessarily to target the individuals concerned. Rather, it is to create a climate of fear and intimidation that encourages others to think twice before speaking out or taking action.
This well-established method in authoritarian regimes applies, for example, to future young left-wing Jewish activists who might one day consider immigrating to Israel and who could be deterred from doing so by the prospect of being targeted.
These reprehensible intimidation tactics also serve populist and electoral demagoguery. Netanyahu is capitalizing on Israelis’ sense of isolation and of living in a besieged fortress – a feeling he has helped foster – and turning it into electoral fuel by dismissing all critical voices as “hostile.”
When the government itself is not making threats, far-right thugs, often affiliated with National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, regularly disrupt public meetings and leaflet distributions organized by Yair Golan’s party, the Democrats.
They use hooligan-style tactics all too familiar to Palestinians in the West Bank, who are attacked by violent settlers, a journalist from The Washington Post, or European diplomats, while the authorities look on with culpable indulgence.
All these incidents reflect tensions within Israeli society, but also the nervousness of a prime minister clinging to power.
Opposition fears election interference
Attacks by the Right on expatriate voting, the Likud’s efforts to ban Arab parties, threats to bomb Iran before the elections that could lead to their cancellation, and the party’s allegations of possible foreign interference, intended to cast doubt on the election’s legitimacy, help explain the fears expressed by opposition figures.
They are also wary of Netanyahu’s political exploitation of security concerns.
Netanyahu is so attached to power that it is difficult to believe he would accept the ballot box’s verdict if it went against him, much like his “friend,” US President Donald Trump, who has just endorsed him.
These warning signs could help pave the way for such a scenario. This volatile situation, combined with the prime minister’s cynicism, explains Golan’s recent remarks in which he warned of a scenario resembling January 6, 2021, when Trump’s supporters stormed the Capitol.
In 1999, shortly before suffering a resounding defeat, Netanyahu repeatedly said of his opponents, “They are afraid,” in an attempt to dispel his own fears.
Today, as then, Netanyahu is afraid. Of judges. Of critics. Of voters. Of defeat. That fear makes him unpredictable and dangerous, ready to do anything to remain in office.
Israeli democracy is rightly a source of national pride. A small country under threat, Israel has never abandoned the practice of holding elections despite geopolitical tensions and a wartime atmosphere, and no election in its history has ever been contested. It will face its greatest test on October 27 and in the days that follow.
The writer, who was born and raised in France, is the correspondent of French Jewish radio, Radio J, and of the French paper librejournal.fr in the US, where he has been living for 16 years. He also holds US and Israeli citizenship. The opinions expressed are his own.