Tenzin Nyidon
DHARAMSHALA, Oct. 26: Gelug International Foundation, the highest organisational body of the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism, one of the five recognised religious sects, has unanimously passed a resolution to bar monks belonging to its affiliated monasteries and monastic colleges from contesting elections for the President of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) and the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, requiring those seeking political office to relinquish their monastic affiliation.
The resolution was adopted at the annual general meeting of the Gelug International Foundation on August 20 and 21 and signed by the 104th Gaden Tripa His Holiness Garden Trip Rinpoche Lobsang Dorjee, the highest authority in Gelug sects, nominee of Gaden Phodrang Ven. Lobsang Tenpe Gyaltsen, 11 abbots from major monastic seats, and the association’s vice presidents, secretary and treasurer.
Under the new directive, monks who wish to contest either the presidential or parliamentary elections must formally resign from their respective monasteries or monastic colleges before entering electoral politics. Those who engage in such political activities without first relinquishing their monastic membership will be deemed to have voluntarily forfeited their affiliation with their respective institutions.
Explaining the rationale behind the resolution, the association traced the historical involvement of Buddhist religious leaders in Tibetan governance, particularly from the time of the Fifth Dalai Lama, who assumed responsibility for both religious and political administration under the Gaden Phodrang government.
The statement acknowledged that the participation of monks and lamas in political institutions during the early years of exile had served an important purpose. Following the Chinese Communist Party’s colonial occupation of Tibet and the Dalai Lama’s flight into exile in 1959, Tibetans faced the formidable challenge of preserving their religious, cultural and political identity. Monastic and lay participation in the emerging democratic institutions of the exile community was regarded as beneficial under those circumstances. However, the association argued that the political and social conditions have since changed, making the continued participation of monks in electoral politics less necessary.
A decisive turning point, it said, came in 2011, when the Dalai Lama voluntarily devolved his political authority to elected Tibetan leadership, bringing his formal role in political governance to an end. The association presented this transition as an important precedent for reconsidering the responsibilities of the monastic community in contemporary Tibetan society.
According to the statement, there are no particular political responsibilities that monks can fulfil that laypeople are inherently unable to undertake. It further argued that participation in electoral politics could expose the monastic community to controversy and undermine its standing as an institution dedicated primarily to religious practice.
The association maintained that protecting the dignity of the Sangha—the Buddhist monastic community—and preserving public confidence in its religious role must take precedence over the pursuit of political office by individual monks.
In support of its position, the association pointed to Thailand, Myanmar and Bhutan, stating that measures restricting monks from holding government political office or participating in elections had been adopted in these Buddhist-majority countries. It described such approaches as worthy of consideration in the present circumstances and called for Tibetan monastics to follow a similar path, arguing that their principal responsibilities should lie in preserving Buddhist teachings and Tibetan culture, serving society and promoting communal harmony.
The statement also addressed concerns that restricting monastic participation could leave seats associated with religious traditions vacant in the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile. It maintained that such an outcome would not necessarily cause significant harm to Tibetan religious or political affairs, or to the individual Buddhist traditions.
It also criticised arguments over the representation of different Tibetan Buddhist schools in parliament, suggesting that some debates were driven more by factionalism and regional loyalties than by genuine concern for the broader interests of Tibetan religion and society.
The resolution stated that the restriction not simply as a question of electoral eligibility, but as an effort to redefine the relationship between religious institutions and the Tibetan exile administration.
The association also unanimously adopted a resolution concerning the protection of the Dalai Lama’s status and reputation, citing what it described as baseless allegations against the Dalai Lama and the Gaden Phodrang. The resolution stated that individuals who have concerns about the institution’s conduct should raise them through established channels, including direct communication with the Gaden Phodrang, signed petitions to the Dalai Lama, or formal representations to the relevant governing bodies.
It further stated that individuals found to have deliberately bypassed these channels and made baseless allegations intended to damage the institution’s reputation should face expulsion from the disciplinary and organisational framework of their respective monasteries or monastic colleges.
The resolution is likely to spark debate within the Tibetan exile community over the boundaries between religious authority and democratic participation. While the Gelug International Foundation argues that monks should remain focused on religious practice and be shielded from political controversy, the requirement to relinquish monastic affiliation before contesting elections raises questions about individual political choice and equal access to public office. It may also prompt wider discussion over whether religious institutions should have the authority to impose conditions that could limit the pool of candidates available to Tibetan voters.
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